(The headstone of Elijah Bond)
Edgar Allan Poe, arguably one of the
most famous writers in American history, only wrote one novel, The
Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym of Nantucket.
Published in 1838, this novel relates the story of the sea
adventures of a young man, Pym, who survives several close calls with
death including a mutiny, a shipwreck, a lifeboat, and a tribe of
treacherous natives. Although the book was presumably hugely
influential on the writing of Herman Melville's Moby Dick
and Jules Verne's Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea,
the novel is not read much today and is often not even mentioned in
English classes studying Poe's short stories. Poe, himself, did not
care for the novel and even referred to it later in his life as “a
very silly book."
In one episode of the book, Pym is
left stranded with three other people after their ship had capsized
in a storm. After many days awaiting rescue without sufficient food
or water, Pym and his shipmates agree to cannibalize a cabin boy
named Richard Parker. In 1884, forty six years after the publication
of Poe's only novel, a ship capsized in a storm and left without
enough to eat or drink, the four survivors chose to eat one of their
own in order to survive, a cabin boy named Richard Parker.
Although the coincidence between the
story Poe wrote in his novel and the story of the real life cabin boy
with the same name seems pretty far-fetched, it serves to underscore
the fact that strange occurrences do happen, and they happen more
often than we probably imagine. Given that billions of people have
inhabited this planet throughout history and that billions of people
continue to inhabit this planet today, even when the odds of
something occurring are extremely remote, say the odds are only one
in a million, the chances are pretty good that some random person
will be there to take notice and tell others about it. And this, of
course, leads to a very interesting rhetorical paradox: we understand
on an intellectual level that from time to time very rare and random
events are going to happen, but the mere acknowledgement that
unlikely flukes happen is not enough to convince us to believe in the
nearly impossible when someone tells us it has happened to them.
The problem, of course, is that
whenever people tell us that they have witnessed firsthand something
with only a remote probability of being true, we have to weigh the
odds of the occurrence being true against the likelihood of the story
teller having some motive to be lying. The credibility we
afford others sometimes comes at the price of our own credulity.
Not every far-fetched story is the truth; not every seeming whopper
is a lie. The aptitude for discerning the difference between a
trustworthy person telling us something the sounds incredible and a
liar exploiting our desire to believe in something interesting and
remote is a verbal skill that has challenged rhetoricians for more
than 2,000 years.
Although Plato taught his students
(including Aristotle) that rhetoricians were more interested in
winning arguments than discerning “true belief,” Aristotle
diverged from his mentor and taught his own students that rhetoric
had a legitimate role in helping people make up their minds when
dealing with understandings that lie beyond what could be proved
through scientific demonstration or philosophical fiat. Aristotle
divided the way people devised to convince others into three basic
modes: the use of logic (logos), the use of emotions (pathos),
and the use of authority (ethos). When arguing through either
logic or affection, the credibility of the speaker is not the primary
engine that powers the persuasion; for Aristotle, the issue of
trustworthiness emerges from the integrity the speaker develops while
talking with his audience. Since Aristotle's time, rhetorical
theorists who have studied and reflected upon the power of ethos
have learned to take the
writer's (or speaker's) previous reputation into account when
considering how credibility is molded by what different audiences
thinks of them.
When people argue something from a
position of authority, ethos typically works as a shortcut
around the logical. This is to say, that if you trust in someone's
authority, then you do not need their evidence or reasoning to
believe what they are telling you. When you go to the doctor, for
example, you might ask for an explanation for how she came to her
diagnosis, but you are just as likely to assume that given your trust
in your doctor's experience, you do not need to know how she came to
her conclusions about your condition.
Unfortunately, in English (and many
other languages for that matter), we do not have a good vocabulary
for distinguishing between the type of authority that arises from
expertise (such as a medical doctor) and the type of authority
that arises from power (such as an employer who has the
prerogative to fire you if you do not go along with what they are
telling you). Power and expertise are not, of course, mutually
exclusive and frequently people have an odd combination of both (such
as a judge who is both an expert in the law and who holds the power
to put you in jail).
As mentioned before in this blog,
there is an important difference between having a reason to
believe something and a motive to believe something. If, for
example, your employer asks you to do something at work that you
suspect is illegal, you have a motive (to keep your job) to
believe your boss if she insists that what she's asking you to do is
legal, but you may not have a good reason to believe her
(based upon your own judge about what is and is not against the law).
Just as we all recognize when someone is telling us something that
sounds far-fetched could be a complete fabrication, we also need to
recognize that sometimes people with power use that power to benefit
themselves, and some authorities (especially those whose influence
originates in power than expertise) have no more regard for the truth
than the storyteller who relies upon our gullibility to go along with
a shaggy dog story.
Who we choose to believe must come
from a persistent consciousness of the factors that make other people
credible. Whenever someone is telling us something that goes against
what we think we already know (“Wow, that sounds pretty unlikely”
says the voice in our head), then we need to consider both what we
already know about that person (not just, perhaps, what merely makes
them popular, wealthy, or famous but the aspects of their character
that would strengthen our perception of their integrity) and what we
might suspect their motives are for telling us the information that
runs against our own experience or common sense.
In returning to my weekly theme of
considering the nature and reality of the paranormal or the
supernatural, let's see how this type of rhetorical thinking
works with Ouija boards. Today Ouija boards are a trademarked
product of Parker Brothers (a subsidiary of Hasbro), which is the
same toy and game company that makes Monopoly, Clue,
and Sorry!. Ouija boards, however, have a long and
complicated history dating back to the late 19th century,
and about the most we can say definitely about their origins is that
the first person to patent the Ouija board was an attorney named
Elijah Bond. How much Bond actually had to do with the creation of
the board is a matter of wide speculation since other “talking
boards” or “seance boards” had been around for a least twenty
years before Bond secured his patent in 1891. Although other
companies had much greater success marketing Ouija boards than Bond's
own company, it is amusing to note that Bond's own company was driven
out of business due to the unfortunate associations that came to be
attached with his company's logo decades after he started his company
in 1907; Bond's company was called The Swastika Novelty Company
and, yes, its logo was a
swastika. If there were any real prophetic powers to a Ouija board,
you would think that Bond and his coworkers would have seen that
coming.
Today's
Ouija boards glow in the dark, an innovation that in my humble
opinion both adds to
the spookiness of the “game” by allowing participants to sit in
even darker rooms while still being able to read the messages and
subtracts from the
traditional charm of the aesthetics of the plain wooden board covered
in letters, numbers, and simple “yes” or “no” answers. It is
interesting to me that even the manufacturers of Ouija boards (whose
name is supposedly derived from a combination of the French and
German words for “yes”) find it difficult to describe playing
with the occult board and planchette as a “game.” What
other games can we think of have no scoring, competition, or even
defined rules about what constitutes the end of the game?
Presumably, participants know when a “game” is over when the
board tells them it's had enough, but that kind of activity is, at
least for me, difficult to classify as a “game.”
Here, finally, is the rhetorical point
I wanted to make about ethos and Ouija boards. Putting aside
for a moment the issue of whether the boards are actually channelling
spirits from the Great Beyond or are more likely the product of the
participants subconscious intentions to freak each other out, let us
– for the sake of argument – assume we somehow are indeed
“talking” with invisible beings through these devices – why
should we believe anything they tells us? Would you walk up to any
random stranger (say at a McDonalds or a Walmart) and expect reliable
information from them without knowing anything about them? Before we
take to heart anything others have to tell us (whether they are
“speaking” through a floating plastic disk on a game board,
across a cash register, or via a platform at a political rally),
don't you think it's kind of important to know what motivates their
answers before you start letting them answer your questions?
Keep thinking rhetorically, folks, and
I'll be back next week. If somehow I get run over by a bus in the
next few days, you still know how to reach me, but do me a small
favor and ask for some ID, okay?
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